The Partition of India in 1947 divided British India into two independent states: the Union of India and the Dominion of Pakistan. The Union of India is today the Republic of India, and the Dominion of Pakistan is the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the People's Republic of Bangladesh. Bengal and Punjab were divided into two provinces based on the district's non-Muslim (mostly Hindu and Sikh) or Muslim population. The British Indian Army, Royal Indian Navy, Indian Civil Service, railways, and central treasury were also divided between the two new states. This partition was finalized in the Indian Independence Act 1947, ending British rule, or Crown rule, in India. India and Pakistan became two self-governing countries, legally established at midnight on August 14–15, 1947.
With the partition of British India and the withdrawal of British forces from the Indian subcontinent, the Indian Independence Act stipulated that the princely states would be freed from their Subsidiary Alliance and other obligations to the British, while the British abandoned their obligations to the states, allowing the rulers to decide whether to join India or Pakistan or remain independent outside of either. Sardar Patel stated in a speech in January 1948, "With the end of paramountcy, every Indian state became a separate independent entity." Political integration of the princely states into the two new dominions began with several mergers in August 1947, but most occurred later. In particular, the rulers of Hyderabad, Jammu and Kashmir, and other states chose independence.
Partition displaced 12 to 20 million people along religious lines, creating a major refugee crisis involving large-scale migration and population transfer within the newly formed dominions. Widespread violence occurred, making it difficult to estimate the loss of life and property before, during, or after Partition. As of 2009, estimates still ranged between two hundred thousand and two million. The violent manner of Partition created an atmosphere of hostility and suspicion between India and Pakistan, which continues to impact India-Pakistan relations today.
The term "Partition of India" does not include the earlier separation of Burma (now Myanmar) and Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) from British India. It does not include the inclusion of areas of French India into India during the period 1947–1954, or the inclusion of Goa and other districts of Portuguese India into India in 1961. Other political entities in the region that existed in 1947, such as Sikkim, Bhutan, Nepal, and the Maldives, remained unaffected by Partition.
Background
Pre-World War II (1905–1938)
Partition of Bengal: 1905
In 1905, during his second term as Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon divided the Bengal Presidency—the largest administrative subdivision in British India—into the Muslim-majority East Bengal and Assam Provinces and the Hindu-majority Bengal Province (present-day Indian states of West Bengal, Bihar, Jharkhand, and Odisha). Curzon's action, the partition of Bengal—which had been considered by various colonial administrations since the time of Lord William Bentinck, though never implemented—changed nationalist politics more than ever before.
Bengal's Hindu elite, many of whom owned land leased to Muslim peasants in East Bengal, strongly opposed this. The large Bengali-Hindu middle class, concerned that Bengalis might outnumber Biharis and Oriyas in the new Bengal Province, saw Curzon's action as a punishment for their political power. The widespread protests against Curzon's decision primarily took the form of a Swadeshi campaign, which included a boycott of British goods. Occasionally, but openly, protesters also resorted to political violence, including attacks on civilians. This violence was ineffective, as most planned attacks were either prevented by the British or failed. The slogan underlying both types of protests was Bande Mataram, the title of a song by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, which refers to a mother goddess who variously represents Bengal, India, and the Hindu goddess Kali. As English-educated students from Calcutta returned to their villages and towns, unrest spread from Calcutta to surrounding areas of Bengal. The religious fervor of the slogan and political anger over Partition converged when young people in groups like Jugantar began bombing public buildings, looting with weapons, and assassinating British officials. Because Calcutta was the imperial capital, both the anger and the slogan soon became famous throughout the country.
The partition of Bengal was strongly opposed by the Hindu majority, and fearing reforms in favor of the Hindu majority, India's Muslim elite demanded separate voting areas for Muslims from the new Viceroy, Lord Minto, in 1906. They also demanded representation proportional to their population, reflecting both their status as former rulers and their record of cooperation with the British. This resulted in the founding of the All-India Muslim League in Dhaka in December 1906. Although Curzon had by then resigned and returned to England after a quarrel with his military chief, Lord Kitchener, the League supported his partition plan. The Muslim elite's opinion, reflected in the League's, had gradually solidified over the previous three decades, beginning with the 1871 census of British India, which for the first time estimated the population in Muslim-majority areas. On Curzon's part, the desire to appease the Muslims of East Bengal stemmed from British concerns following the 1871 census and the history of Muslims fighting against them in the 1857 Revolt and the Second Anglo-Afghan War.
In the three decades following the 1871 census, Muslim leaders across North India faced intermittent public hostility from some new Hindu political and social groups. For example, the Arya Samaj not only supported the cow protection movement in its campaign but also organized "reconversion" programs to convert Muslims back to Hinduism, upset by the number of Muslims in the census. In the United Provinces, Muslims became further agitated by the increased Hindu political representation in the late 19th century and the political consolidation of Hindus sparked by the Hindi-Urdu controversy and the anti-cow slaughter riots of 1893. In 1905, Muslim fears grew when Tilak and Lajpat Rai attempted to gain leadership positions in the Congress, and the Congress itself coalesced around the symbol of Kali. For example, many Muslims knew that the slogan "Vande Mataram" first appeared in the novel "Anandamath," in which Hindus fought their Muslim oppressors. Finally, Muslim elites, including Nawab Khwaja Salimullah of Dhaka, who hosted the League's first meeting at his mansion in Shahbag, knew that a new province with a Muslim majority would directly benefit Muslims seeking political power.
World War I, Lucknow Pact: 1914–1918
World War I marked a major turning point in the imperial relationship between Britain and India. 1.4 million Indian and British soldiers served in the British Indian Army, and their participation had a profound cultural impact: news of Indian soldiers fighting and dying alongside British troops, as well as news from countries like Canada and Australia, traveled far and wide across the world through the new medium of newsprint and radio. This raised India's international profile, and it continued to rise throughout the 1920s. This led to, among other things, India becoming a founding member of the League of Nations in 1920 under its own name and participating in the 1920 Summer Olympics in Antwerp under the name "Les Indes Anglaises" (British India). Back in India, this led to calls for greater self-government for Indians, particularly among leaders of the Indian National Congress.
The 1916 Lucknow session of the Congress was also the occasion of a sudden reconciliation between the Congress and the Muslim League, sparked by the wartime alliance between Germany and Turkey. Because the Ottoman Sultan retained control of Islamic holy sites like Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem, and because the British and their allies were now at odds with the Ottoman Empire, some Indian Muslims began to doubt British "religious neutrality," a doubt already evident after the reunification of Bengal in 1911, a decision seen as detrimental to Muslims. In the Lucknow Pact, the League supported the Congress proposal for greater self-government, put forward by Tilak and his supporters; in return, Congress accepted separate electorates for Muslims in the provincial legislatures as well as the Imperial Legislative Council. In 1916, the Muslim League had 500 to 800 members and in subsequent years, it lost much influence among Indian Muslims. Within the League, the pact was not fully accepted, as it was negotiated by a group of "Young Party" Muslims from the United Provinces (UP), notably the brothers Mohammad and Shaukat Ali, who supported a pan-Islamic cause. It received support from Muhammad Ali Jinnah, a young lawyer from Bombay who later played a leadership role in the League and the Indian independence movement. In later years, when the full implications of the pact became clear, it was seen as more beneficial to the Muslim minority elite in provinces like UP and Bihar than to the Muslim majority in Punjab and Bengal. At the time, the "Lucknow Pact" was a significant milestone in the nationalist movement, and the British also recognized it as such.









