Historical event of India - Chauri Chaura incident | Chauri Chaura Incident Memorial

The Chauri Chaura incident is a significant and historical event in India's freedom struggle. It took place on February 4, 1922, in the village of Chauri Chaura in Gorakhpur district of Uttar Pradesh. This incident led Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, to withdraw his Non-Cooperation Movement against British rule.

The Chauri Chaura incident occurred nearly 102 years ago in Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh. It happened on February 4, 1922, when Indians, angered by British rule, turned violent, set fire to a police station, and burned 23 policemen alive. All the policemen were killed in the fire. Following this violent incident, Mahatma Gandhi announced the withdrawal of the Non-Cooperation Movement, which he had launched on August 1, 1920. This incident deeply saddened Gandhiji.

Today, we celebrate the 78th anniversary of our independence. We remember the revolutionaries who sacrificed everything for our freedom, allowing us to breathe freely in this independent India. The Chauri Chaura incident is an integral part of this freedom struggle. This event is remembered in history as the Chauri Chaura massacre.

The Chauri Chaura incident of February 4, 1922, was a significant turning point in India's freedom struggle, demonstrating how resistance against oppression and injustice can sometimes escalate into violence. The Chauri Chaura procession was a peaceful protest by peasants against British rule, but the angry and uncontrollable crowd turned violent. In this incident, the mob set fire to the police station, resulting in the deaths of 23 policemen on duty. They were declared martyrs. Many Satyagrahis (peaceful protesters) also lost their lives. Therefore, February 4 is observed as Martyrs' Day in India.

Mahatma Gandhi had launched the Non-Cooperation Movement on August 1, 1920.  It was this movement that brought peasants and villagers together outside the Chauri Chaura police station in Gorakhpur on February 4, 1922.  Therefore, the Non-Cooperation Movement and the Chauri Chaura incident are deeply intertwined. The British administration was greatly troubled by Mahatma Gandhi's non-violent movement. It is noteworthy that the Non-Cooperation Movement was Gandhi's first mass movement against the British, in which people from both urban and rural areas participated.

The Non-Cooperation Movement against the British was launched for Swaraj (self-rule). Its aim was to protest against the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, the Rowlatt Act, and the atrocities committed against the people. Mahatma Gandhi himself returned the title of 'Kaiser-i-Hind' (Emperor of India), which he had received for supporting the British during World War I. Many other Indians also returned their titles during this period. On September 4, 1920, the Congress session in Kolkata passed a resolution to launch the Non-Cooperation Movement. It decided that all Indians would boycott British schools, colleges, and courts, and refuse to pay taxes. This movement received support from both urban and rural areas, as well as from tribal communities.

In 1921, the Congress formed a committee in Chauri-Chaura to organize the movement. On January 3, 1922, Lal Mohammad Sayyad entrusted the responsibility of the Non-Cooperation Movement in Gorakhpur to Hakim Arif of the Gorakhpur Congress Khilafat Committee. On January 25, 1922, Congress activists in Chauri-Chaura had a clash with some people in Mundera. Subsequently, the Congress held a public meeting in Mundera Bazaar, which was attended by a large number of people. During this meeting, Inspector Gupteshwar Singh of Chauri-Chaura arrested several people, including Bhagwan Ahir, and sent them to jail. The crowd argued with the police officer, and the enraged mob set fire to the police station. In this incident, 23 policemen were burnt alive.

Shocked by the death of 23 policemen in the Chauri-Chaura violence, Mahatma Gandhi announced the withdrawal of the Non-Cooperation Movement on February 12, 1922, and decided to fast for five days. Gandhi said that he was even ready to die to prevent the movement from becoming violent. The withdrawal of the movement also affected Gandhi's popularity. On March 10, 1922, Gandhi was arrested, and Judge Broomfield sentenced him to six years in prison. However, he was released on February 5, 1924, due to ill health.

Chauri Chaura Incident Memorial

The British government erected a memorial to commemorate the police officers killed in the incident, and after independence, the words "Jai Hind" (Victory to India) were added to it.

The locals never forgot the 19 people who were hanged after the trial. In 1971, they formed the 'Shaheed Smarak Samiti' (Martyrs' Memorial Committee). In 1973, the committee built a 12.2-meter-high triangular tower near the lake, with the noose depicted on all three walls.

Later, the government erected another memorial in memory of these martyrs. The names of those hanged are engraved on this memorial (Vikram, Dudhai, Bhagwan, Abdullah, Kali Charan, Lal Mohammad, Lauti, Madhav, Meghu Ali, Nazar Ali, Raghubir, Ramlagan, Ramrup, Rudali, Sahadev, Mohan, Sampat, Shyam Sundar, and Sitaram). A library and museum related to the freedom struggle were also built near this memorial.

In memory of the revolutionaries, a train named 'Chauri-Chaura Express' was started between Kanpur and Gorakhpur.

Bhagat Singh - A great revolutionary of India | Birth and Background

 

Bhagat Singh was a great freedom fighter and revolutionary of India. Along with Chandrashekhar Azad and his other party members, he bravely challenged the powerful British government in the struggle for India's independence. He further escalated the open rebellion against the British Empire by assassinating Saunders in Lahore and then by carrying out a bomb blast in the Central Legislative Assembly in Delhi. Even after throwing the bomb in the assembly, he refused to escape. As a result, the British government hanged him along with his two comrades, Rajguru and Sukhdev, on March 23, 1931.

Birth and Background

Bhagat Singh was born on September 28, 1907, but according to many older documents, his birth date was September 27, 1907. He was born into a Sikh family in the village of Banga, West Punjab (now in Pakistan). His father was Sardar Kishan Singh and his mother was Vidyavati Kaur. They belonged to a farming family. The Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar on April 13, 1919, deeply affected Bhagat Singh's thinking. After leaving his studies at the National College in Lahore, Bhagat Singh founded the Naujawan Bharat Sabha (Young India Society) to fight for India's independence.

In 1922, after the Chauri Chaura incident, when Gandhiji did not support the peasants, Bhagat Singh became very disillusioned. His faith in non-violence diminished, and he felt that the only way to achieve freedom was through armed revolution. He then joined the Ghadar Party led by Chandrashekhar Azad. The execution of four revolutionaries, including Ram Prasad 'Bismil', and the imprisonment of 16 others in the Kakori Conspiracy case deeply saddened Bhagat Singh. He joined Chandrashekhar Azad's party, the Hindustan Republican Association, and renamed it the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association. The objective of this organization was to train young people to be selfless, dedicated, and capable of facing hardships.

On December 17, 1928, Bhagat Singh, along with Rajguru, assassinated British police officer J.P. Saunders in Lahore. Revolutionary Chandrashekhar Azad fully supported this action. On April 8, 1929, Bhagat Singh, along with his comrade Batukeshwar Dutt, threw bombs and leaflets into the hall of the Central Legislative Assembly (now Parliament House) in what is now New Delhi, to draw attention to the unjust policies of the British government. After throwing the bombs, both surrendered to the police.

Revolutionary Activities

When the Jallianwala Bagh massacre occurred, Bhagat Singh was about twelve years old. Upon hearing the news, he walked twelve miles from his school to Jallianwala Bagh. At that age, he read the revolutionary books of his uncles and pondered whether their path was the right one. When Gandhiji launched the Non-Cooperation Movement, he considered whether to follow Gandhiji's non-violent methods or adopt the violent path of the revolutionaries. He was somewhat disappointed when Gandhiji withdrew the Non-Cooperation Movement, but like the rest of the country, he respected Mahatma Gandhi. However, he did not consider it wrong to choose the path of violent revolution for the country's independence instead of Gandhiji's non-violent movement. He started participating in processions and became a member of several revolutionary organizations. Prominent revolutionaries in his group included Chandrashekhar Azad, Sukhdev, and Rajguru. Bhagat Singh was deeply saddened by the hanging of four revolutionaries and the imprisonment of 16 others in the Kakori Conspiracy case, and in 1928, he merged his party, Naujawan Bharat Sabha, into the Hindustan Republican Association, renaming it the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association.

Revenge for Lala Lajpat Rai's Death

In 1928, large-scale protests erupted against the Simon Commission. The British administration resorted to lathi-charges to suppress these protests. Lala Lajpat Rai was also injured in the lathi-charge, from which he later died. The revolutionaries decided to take revenge for his death. Under a secret plan, they decided to assassinate the police superintendent, Scott. As per the plan, Bhagat Singh and Rajguru casually strolled in front of the Lahore police station. Meanwhile, Jai Gopal pretended that his bicycle had broken down and sat there. At Gopal's signal, the two revolutionaries became alert. Chandrashekhar Azad was hiding behind the wall of the nearby DAV school, ready to provide security during the operation. On December 17, 1928, at approximately 4:15 PM, when Assistant Superintendent of Police Saunders arrived, Rajguru shot him in the head, killing him instantly. Immediately after, Bhagat Singh fired three or four more shots to ensure his death. As the two were fleeing, Constable Chanan Singh chased them. Chandrashekhar Azad warned him, "If you come any further, I will shoot you." When he did not stop, Azad shot him, killing him on the spot. Thus, they took revenge for Lala Lajpat Rai's death.

Historical Kakori train robbery of India | The Robbery and Court Proceedings

 

The Kakori Train Robbery (also known as the Kakori Conspiracy) was a train robbery that took place on August 9, 1925, in the village of Kakori near Lucknow. It occurred during the Indian independence movement against British rule in India. It was carried out by Indian revolutionaries belonging to the Hindustan Republican Association (HRA).

The robbery was planned by HRA members Ram Prasad Bismil and Ashfaqulla Khan. The organization later became the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association. The HRA was founded with the objective of achieving independence through revolutionary activities against the British Empire. Since the organization needed funds to purchase weapons, Bismil and his associates planned to rob a train on the Saharanpur railway line. The robbery was carried out by Bismil, Khan, Rajendra Lahiri, Chandrashekhar Azad, Sachindra Bakshi, Keshav Chakraborty, Manmathnath Gupta, Mukundi Lal, Murari Lal Khanna, and Banwari Lal. One passenger was killed during the incident.

The Robbery

On August 9, 1925, when Train No. 8, traveling from Shahjahanpur to Lucknow, was passing through Kakori, one of the revolutionaries, Rajendra Lahiri, pulled the emergency chain to stop the train. The other revolutionaries then overpowered the guard. It is believed that they chose this particular train because it was carrying tax money for the British government treasury. They looted only the bags (which were in the guard's cabin and contained approximately ₹8000) and fled towards Lucknow. The objectives of this robbery were:

To use the British government's funds collected as taxes from Indians to finance the Hindustan Republican Association (HRA).

To protest against the high taxes imposed on Indians by the British administration.

To gain public attention and create a positive image of the HRA among the Indian public.

A lawyer, Ahmed Ali, who was a passenger, went to the women's compartment to meet his wife, and Manmathnath Gupta shot and killed him. This turned the incident into a murder case. After this incident, the British administration launched a massive crackdown, arresting many members and associates of the HRA. Their leaders, Ram Prasad Bismil, was arrested in Shahjahanpur on October 26, 1925, and Ashfaqullah Khan was arrested in Delhi on December 7, 1926.

The Kakori Conspiracy Case

Bismil and several others were charged with serious crimes such as robbery and murder. Fourteen people were released for lack of evidence. Two accused—Ashfaqulla Khan and Sachindra Nath Basu—were rearrested after the trial. Chandrashekhar Azad reorganized the Hindustan Republican Association (HRA) in 1928 and led it until his death on February 27, 1931.

The charges against three others were dropped. Damodar Swaroop Seth was acquitted due to illness, while Veer Bhadra Tiwari and Jyoti Shankar Dikshit were suspected of informing the authorities. Two others—Banarasi Lal and Indubhushan Mitra—became government witnesses in exchange for reduced sentences.

Court Proceedings

Charges against 19 accused were dropped (2 became government witnesses, while 17 were released). The trial of the remaining 21 accused began on May 1, 1926, in the Special Sessions Court, presided over by Justice Archibald Hamilton. Abbas Salim Khan, Banwari Lal Bhardwaj, Gyan Chatterjee, and Mohammad Ayub were the government lawyers. Two of the 21 accused, Sachindra Nath Biswas and Lala Hargovind, were released for lack of evidence, while Gopi Mohan became a government witness.

The court deliberately appointed Jagannath Mulla as the government lawyer; he had harbored resentment against Ram Prasad Bismil since 1916, when Bismil had organized a large rally in Lucknow in support of Bal Gangadhar Tilak. He had also been the government lawyer in the 1918 Mainpuri Conspiracy Case.

Government officials also bribed several accused to become government witnesses. The trial was primarily based on the statement of Banwari Lal, who had been in contact with the revolutionaries and was involved in planning the robberies carried out by the group at Bamrauli (December 25, 1924), Bichpuri (March 9, 1925), and Dwarkapur (May 24, 1925). Therefore, his statement was used as the main evidence to convict the HRA members.

The Sessions Court delivered its verdict on April 6, 1927, as follows:

Ram Prasad Bismil, Roshan Singh, and Rajendra Nath Lähiri were sentenced to death. Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee, Govind Charan Kar, Rajkumar Sinha, Ramkrishna Khatri, and Mukandi Lal were sentenced to 10 years, while Suresh Chandra Bhattacharya and Vishnu Sharan Dublish were sentenced to 7 years. Bhupendra Nath Sanyal, Ramdulare Tripathi, Prem Krishna Khanna, and Pranabesh Chatterjee were sentenced to 5 years in prison, while the lowest sentence (3 years) was given to Ramnath Pandey and Banwari Lal.

Maratha Empire - Nomenclature, History of the Maratha Empire and Shivaji and His Descendants

 

The Maratha Empire, also known as the Maratha Confederacy, was an early modern polity in the Indian subcontinent. For most of its existence, it comprised the Peshwa's domain and four major independent Maratha states; these states operated under the nominal leadership of the Peshwa and owed nominal allegiance to the Chhatrapati's—the successors of Shivaji.

The Marathas were a group of Marathi-speaking peasants from the western Deccan Plateau (present-day Maharashtra) who rose to prominence under the leadership of Shivaji (17th century). Shivaji had rebelled against the Bijapur Sultanate and the Mughal Empire to establish "Hindavi Swarajya" (meaning 'self-rule of the Hindus'). Emperor Aurangzeb's religious policies alienated non-Muslims, and the Maratha rebellion inflicted heavy damage upon his army and treasury. Maratha rule also encompassed warriors, administrators, and other elites from various other Marathi groups. Shivaji's polity—known as the Maratha Empire—expanded across a vast territory in the 18th century under the leadership of Peshwa Bajirao I. From the time of Shahu I onwards, the Marathas acknowledged the Mughal Emperor as their nominal overlord—much as other Indian polities of that era did—though, in practice, Mughal politics remained largely under Maratha control between 1737 and 1803.

Following Aurangzeb's death in 1707, Shivaji's grandson Shahu, under the leadership of Peshwa Bajirao, re-established Maratha power and delegated significant authority to the Bhat family, who subsequently became hereditary Peshwas (Prime Ministers). After Shahu's death in 1749, the Peshwa emerged as the "de facto" ruler. Prominent Maratha families—the Scindias, Holkars, Bhonsles, and Gaekwads—expanded their campaigns of conquest across northern and central India and became progressively more independent. The rapid expansion of the Marathas came to a halt following their defeat at the hands of the Durrani Empire in the Battle of Panipat in 1761. However, ten years later, under the leadership of Peshwa Madhavrao I, the Marathas succeeded in reclaiming most of their lost territories. With his death, the Peshwa's effective authority over the other chieftains of the empire also came to an end. Following a defeat by the Holkar dynasty in 1802, Peshwa Bajirao II sought protection from the British East India Company; as a result of the Company's intervention—and following the Second and Third Anglo-Maratha Wars—the Maratha Confederacy was completely dissolved by 1818.

The structure of the Maratha polity was confederal in nature, comprising four ruling houses and led by the Peshwa, who was based in Poona (now Pune) in western India. These constituent entities included the Scindias, the Gaekwads (based in Baroda), the Holkar's (based in Indore), and the Bhonsles (based in Nagpur). The boundaries of this confederacy were stabilized following the Battle of Bhopal in 1737; these borders extended from modern-day Maharashtra in the south to Gwalior in the north, and as far east as Orissa—encompassing an area covering approximately one-third (2.5 million square kilometers) of the entire subcontinent.

Nomenclature

The Maratha Empire is also referred to as the Maratha Confederacy. Historian Barbara Ramusack notes, "Neither of these terms is entirely accurate, as the former implies a significant degree of centralization, while the latter suggests that certain powers have been delegated to a central government and that a long-standing core group of political administrators exists."

Historian Stewart Gordon argues against applying the term "empire" to the Maratha polity in the same sense that it is used for the Roman and Mughal empires; he contends that the Maratha political system lacked grand imperial architecture. Furthermore, he opposes the use of the term "confederacy," as it implies a long-lasting, stable power-sharing arrangement—a characteristic that was absent in the Maratha state. Instead, the dynamics of power within the Maratha leadership were constantly shifting—at times, changing as frequently as every decade.

In 16th and 17th-century texts, terms such as "Indian Confederacy" or "Hindu Confederacy" were occasionally employed to describe the alliance of Maratha chieftains. Although the term "Maratha" is today traditionally used to designate the Marathi peasant community, in the past, it was used to describe all Marathi-speaking people.

History of the Maratha Empire

Shivaji and His Descendants

Shivaji (1630–1680) was a Maratha nobleman of the Bhonsle clan and the founder of the Maratha Empire. In 1645, by capturing the Torna Fort, Shivaji spearheaded a resistance movement against the Bijapur Sultanate; subsequently, he conquered several other forts, brought the region under his control, and established 'Hindavi Swarajya' (self-rule for the Hindu people). He created an independent Maratha state, designated Raigad as his capital, and successfully waged war against the Mughals to defend his kingdom. In 1674, he was formally crowned as the 'Chhatrapati' (Emperor) of the nascent Maratha Empire.

                                                                                  

 

Under his leadership, the Maratha Empire encompassed approximately 4.1% of the subcontinent's landmass, yet its influence extended over a far larger territory. At the time of his death, the empire was secured by nearly 300 forts, and its defense was entrusted to an army comprising approximately 40,000 cavalrymen and 50,000 soldiers; additionally, naval bases had been established along the western coast. Over time, the size and diversity of this empire continued to grow; by the reign of his grandson—and later, in the early 18th century under the Peshwas—it had evolved into a vast empire.

Shivaji had two sons: Sambhaji and Rajaram. As they were born of different mothers, they were half-brothers. In 1681, following his father's demise, Sambhaji ascended the throne and continued the expansionist policies. Prior to this, Sambhaji had already defeated both the Portuguese and Chikka Deva Raja of Mysore. With the objective of breaking the alliance formed between his rebellious son, Akbar, and the Marathas, the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb marched southward in 1681. Accompanied by his entire royal court, administrative staff, and a massive army of approximately 500,000 soldiers, he began expanding the Mughal Empire and seized control of territories belonging to sultanates such as Bijapur and Golconda. For the next eight years, Sambhaji successfully led the Marathas against the Mughals.

In early 1689, Sambhaji summoned his commanders to a meeting at Sangameshwar to formulate a strategy for attacking the Mughal army. Acting on a meticulously crafted plan, Ganaji—in collusion with Aurangzeb's commander, Muqarrab Khan—launched an attack on Sangameshwar at the precise moment when Sambhaji was accompanied by only a few men. On February 1, 1689, Mughal troops ambushed and captured Sambhaji. He and his advisor, Kavi Kalash, were taken by the imperial army to Bahadurgarh, where, on March 21, 1689, the Mughals executed them. Aurangzeb had held Sambhaji responsible for the attacks launched by the Maratha army on Burhanpur.

Following Sambhaji's death, his half-brother, Rajaram, ascended the throne. The Mughal siege of Raigad continued, compelling him to flee—first to Vishalgad and subsequently to Gingee—to ensure his safety. From there, the Marathas launched raids on Mughal territories, and Maratha commanders such as Santaji Ghorpade, Dhanaji Jadhav, Parashuram Pant Pratinidhi, Shankaraji Narayan Sachiv, and Melgiri Pandit succeeded in recapturing several forts. In 1697, Rajaram proposed a truce, but Aurangzeb rejected it. Rajaram passed away at Sinhagad in 1700. His widow, Tarabai, subsequently assumed the reins of governance in the name of her son, Shivaji II.

Following Aurangzeb's death in 1707, Sambhaji's son (and Shivaji's grandson), Shahu, was released by the new Mughal Emperor, Bahadur Shah I. However, his mother was held hostage by the Mughals to ensure that Shahu adhered to the terms of his release. Upon his release, Shahu immediately staked his claim to the Maratha throne, challenging his aunt, Tarabai, and her son. The Mughal-Maratha conflict, which had already been simmering, now evolved into a triangular struggle. Consequently, in 1707, Shahu and Tarabai established two separate, rival governments based in Satara and Kolhapur, respectively. Shahu appointed Balaji Vishwanath as his Peshwa. The Peshwa played a pivotal role in securing Mughal recognition for Shahu as Shivaji's legitimate successor and as the "Chhatrapati" (Emperor) of the Marathas. In 1719, Balaji also secured the release of Shahu's mother, Yesubai, from Mughal captivity.

During Shahu's reign, Raghoji Bhonsle expanded the kingdom eastward. Khanderao Dabhade—and subsequently his son, Trimbakrao—extended it westward, reaching as far as Gujarat. Peshwa Bajirao, together with his three principal commanders—Udaji Pawar, Malharrao Holkar, and Ranoji Scindia—expanded the kingdom northward.

Chandra Shekhar Azad - An Indian freedom fighter | Birth and Early Life

                                                                                 

 

Chandrashekhar Azad was a freedom fighter of the Indian independence movement. He was a close associate of revolutionaries like Shaheed-e-Azam Ram Prasad Bismil and Shaheed Bhagat Singh.

In 1922, after Mahatma Gandhi's sudden decision to suspend the Non-Cooperation Movement, his ideology shifted, and he became an active member of the Hindustan Republican Association, participating in its revolutionary activities. Through this organization, under the leadership of Ram Prasad Bismil, he carried out the Kakori Conspiracy on 9 August 1925 and escaped. Later, in 1927, after the martyrdom of Bismil and his four comrades, he united all the revolutionary groups of North India to form the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association. With Bhagat Singh, he avenged Lala Lajpat Rai's death by assassinating Saunders in Lahore and then carried out the bomb blast in the Delhi Assembly. It is also said that the British government deployed 700 people to capture Azad. Veer Bhadra Tiwari, a member of the Central Committee of Azad's organization, the Hindustan Socialist Republican Army (HSRA), became a British spy and betrayed Azad. A revolutionary of the organization, Ramesh Chandra Gupta, even fired at Tiwari in Unnao, but missed, and Gupta was arrested and sentenced to 10 years in prison.

Birth and Early Life

Chandrashekhar Azad was born on July 23, 1906, in the village of Bhabra (now Chandrashekhar Azad Nagar) in the present-day Alirajpur district, to a Brahmin family. His ancestors were from the village of Badarka in the Unnao district (Baiswada). During a famine, his father, Pandit Sitaram Tiwari, left his ancestral home in Badarka and went to work in the Alirajpur princely state in Madhya Pradesh. Later, they settled in the village of Bhabra. Chandrashekhar spent his childhood there. His mother's name was Jagrani Devi. Azad's childhood was spent in Bhabra, a village with a predominantly tribal population. As a child, he often practiced archery with the Bheel children, thus learning the art of marksmanship at a young age. Young Chandrashekhar Azad gravitated towards armed revolution rather than achieving independence through non-violent means. Varanasi was a center of revolutionary activity at that time. He came into contact with Manmathnath Gupta and Pranabesh Chatterjee and became a member of their revolutionary group. 

The First Incident

The Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar in 1919 deeply affected the youth of the country. Chandrashekhar was studying at that time. When Gandhiji launched the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1920, the flames of protest were ignited, and like many other students, Chandrashekhar also took to the streets. For participating in this movement along with some of his schoolmates, he was arrested for the first time and sentenced to 15 lashes with a cane. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru mentioned this incident in his writings, describing it as the story of a young boy who defied authority:

"For breaking the same law, a boy of about 14 or 15 years, who called himself a freedom fighter, was sentenced to be flogged. The cane was repeatedly struck against his body, tearing his skin, but with every blow he shouted 'Jai Hind!' (Victory to Mother India!). He continued shouting this slogan until he fainted. Later, that same boy became a leading figure in the revolutionary movement in North India."

Revolutionary Activities in Jhansi

Chandrashekhar Azad made Jhansi his base for a period of time. Fifteen kilometers from Jhansi, in the forests near Orchha, he practiced his marksmanship with his comrades. Besides being an expert marksman, Azad trained other revolutionaries and also taught village children under the name of Pandit Harishankar Brahmachari. He became very popular with the people of Dhimarpur village by that name. While in Jhansi, Chandrashekhar Azad also learned to drive a car.

                                                                                

Lala Lajpat Rai's Revenge

On the evening of December 17, 1928, Chandrashekhar Azad, Bhagat Singh, and Rajguru gathered near the office of the Superintendent of Police in Lahore. When J.P. Saunders, along with his bodyguard, left the office on his motorcycle, Rajguru fired the first shot, hitting Saunders in the head, causing him to fall off the motorcycle. Bhagat Singh then fired four or five more shots to ensure he was dead. When Chanan Singh, Saunders' bodyguard, pursued them, Chandrashekhar Azad shot and killed him with his revolver. Posters were put up all over Lahore declaring that Lala Lajpat Rai's death had been avenged. This act of the revolutionaries was praised throughout India.

Bombing at the Central Assembly

Under the successful leadership of Chandrashekhar Azad, Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Dutt carried out a bomb explosion in the Central Assembly in Delhi on April 8, 1929. The purpose of this explosion was not to harm anyone; it was a protest against the repressive laws imposed by the British government. This incident greatly increased the popularity of the revolutionaries. After the bombing at the Central Assembly, Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Dutt surrendered to the authorities. They wanted to use the court as a platform to spread their message.

Distance education - University Correspondence Courses, International Conference and Open University.

 

Distance education—also known as 'distance learning'—refers to the education of students who cannot always be physically present at school, or where there is a gap in both time and distance between the learner and the teacher. Today, this typically encompasses online education (also referred to as online learning, remote learning, or remote education), which is delivered through an online school. Any distance learning program may be entirely online, or it may take a blended form—known as 'hybrid' or 'blended learning'—which combines both online instruction and traditional face-to-face (also called 'offline') classroom instruction.

Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs)—which offer large-scale interactive participation and open access via the World Wide Web or other network technologies—represent a new medium of instruction within the field of distance education. Several other terms (such as distributed learning, e-learning, m-learning, virtual classrooms, etc.) are also used, more or less, as synonyms for distance education. E-learning has proven to be a valuable educational tool. E-learning should be an interactive process that offers diverse learning modalities to all students, regardless of their individual proficiency levels. The distance learning environment is an incredibly exciting space for acquiring new knowledge, collaborating with others, and developing self-discipline.

Historically, this mode of education involved correspondence courses, through which students maintained contact with their schools via postal mail; however, with the advent of various technologies, it now also incorporates features such as video conferencing, television, and the Internet.

History

An advertisement for one of the earliest efforts in distance education was published in 1728. This advertisement appeared in the "Boston Gazette" for "Caleb Phillips, Teacher of a New Method of Shorthand"; he was seeking students who wished to learn this skill through weekly lessons sent via mail.

The first distance education course in the modern sense was launched in the 1840s by Sir Isaac Pitman. He adopted a system for teaching shorthand in which he sent lessons via mail—written in shorthand on postcards—and, in return, requested that his students send back their written exercises (transcriptions) for correction. The element of "student feedback" in Pitman's system constituted a highly significant and innovative step. The introduction of postage stamps made this distance education scheme possible; furthermore, the implementation of uniform postal rates across England in 1840 facilitated the expansion of these initiatives.

This early endeavor proved to be immensely successful, and exactly three years later, the "Phonographic Correspondence Society" was established with the aim of providing a more formal foundation for these courses. This Society subsequently paved the way for the establishment of "Sir Isaac Pitman Colleges" across the country.

The first correspondence school in the United States was the "Society to Encourage Studies at Home," founded in 1873.

Established in 1894, "Wolsey Hall, Oxford" was the United Kingdom's first distance education college.

University Correspondence Courses

United Kingdom

The University of London was the first university to begin awarding degrees to anyone capable of passing its examinations; it launched its 'External Programme' in 1858. It was established in 1836 as an examining and degree-granting body for affiliated colleges. Initially, it comprised only University College London and King's College London, but over the following two decades, many more colleges joined its ranks. Affiliated colleges would certify that a student had completed a specific course of study. A new charter introduced in 1858 abolished this requirement, thereby allowing men—and, from 1878 onwards, women as well—to sit for examinations and obtain degrees, regardless of whether they were studying at an institution or studying independently. Charles Dickens dubbed this 'External Programme' the "People's University," as it facilitated access to higher education even for students hailing from less privileged backgrounds. Throughout the late 19th century, enrollment figures continued to rise steadily, and this model was widely adopted elsewhere. However, since the University merely conducted examinations and provided no instructional materials, academics argue that "the early degrees conferred through UOL's External Studies did not constitute a form of distance education."

This 'External Programme' is now known as 'University of London Worldwide' and encompasses postgraduate and undergraduate degrees developed by the member institutions of the University of London.

Australia and South Africa

Due to vast distances, Australia became particularly active; the University of Queensland established its Department of Correspondence Studies in 1911.

                                                                                

United States

William Rainey Harper, the founder and first president of the University of Chicago, championed the concept of "Extension Education." Under this concept, a research university would establish satellite colleges (branches) in other parts of the region.

In 1892, to further advance education, Harper encouraged the use of "correspondence courses." This was an idea that, by the 1920s, had been adopted by the University of Chicago, the University of Wisconsin, Columbia University, and several dozen other universities. The "International Correspondence Schools"—the largest private, for-profit institution of its kind, located in Scranton, Pennsylvania—witnessed a tremendous surge in enrollments during the 1890s. Established in 1888, the school's objective was to provide training to immigrant coal miners who aspired to become "State Mine Inspectors" or "Foremen." In 1894, 2,500 new students enrolled, and in 1895, 72,000 new students completed their studies (finished their courses). By 1906, the total number of enrollments had reached 900,000. The reason for this growth was that, instead of sending individual lessons one by one, they began shipping entire textbooks, and also enlisted the assistance of 1,200 enthusiastic door-to-door salesmen. There was a clear distinction in their teaching methodology:

"The objective of a typical technical school or college is to provide a broad-based education; in contrast, our aim is to educate an individual solely within a specific field. A college stipulates that an enrolling student must possess certain prescribed academic qualifications, and that all students continue their studies for approximately the same duration; upon completing their course, they are deemed qualified to work in one of the various branches of a particular profession. Conversely, our objective is to tailor our courses to the specific needs of the students undertaking them."

Education was accorded high priority during the 'Progressive Era'—a period that witnessed a tremendous expansion in American high schools and colleges. 'Night schools' were established for men who were older or heavily occupied with family responsibilities; one such institution was the YMCA School in Boston, which later evolved into Northeastern University. Private correspondence schools, situated outside major urban centers, offered a flexible and focused educational solution. Large corporations made their training programs for new employees more systematic and structured. The number of institutions affiliated with the National Association of Corporation Schools rose from 37 in 1913 to 146 in 1920. During the 1880s, private schools began to emerge across the country, offering specialized technical training to anyone seeking admission, rather than limiting themselves solely to the employees of a specific company. Beginning in Milwaukee in 1907, public schools also started introducing free vocational programs.

International Conference

The first meeting of the International Conference on Correspondence Education was held in 1938. Its objective was to provide individualized education to students at a low cost, utilizing teaching methods such as testing, recording, classification, and differentiation. Since then, this group has changed its name to the 'International Council for Open and Distance Education' (ICDE), with its headquarters located in Oslo, Norway.

Open University

In the United Kingdom, the Open University (OU) was established by the Labour government of the time, led by Harold Wilson. Based on the vision of Michael Young, the planning for this institution began in 1965 under the leadership of Jennie Lee, the Minister of State for Education. Jennie Lee devised a model for the Open University aimed at broadening access to the highest academic standards within higher education. To this end, she constituted a planning committee comprising university vice-chancellors, academics, and television broadcasters; this committee was chaired by Sir Peter Venables. At the time, James Redmond—then the Assistant Director of Engineering at the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)—had acquired most of his qualifications through "night school" (evening classes). His innate enthusiasm for this project played a decisive role in overcoming the technical challenges associated with broadcasting educational programs via television.

The Open University revolutionized the scope of correspondence programs and helped create a new medium of learning that emerged as a respected alternative to traditional forms of education. The university has consistently remained at the forefront—not only in developing new technologies to enhance distance learning services but also in conducting research across various other disciplines. In January 1969, Walter Perry was appointed as the OU's first Vice-Chancellor, while Anastasios Christodoulou served as its Founding Secretary. Following the accession to power of a new Conservative government led by Edward Heath in 1970, the Chancellor of the Exchequer (Finance Minister), Iain Macleod—who had previously dismissed the concept of the Open University as "absolute rubbish"—implemented budget cuts. Nevertheless, in 1971, adopting a revolutionary "open admissions policy," the OU enrolled its first cohort of 25,000 students. At that time, the total number of students in the traditional universities of the United Kingdom was approximately 130,000.

Athabasca University, Canada's Open University, was established in 1970 and adopted a similar model, although it was developed independently. Inspired by the Open University, the National University of Distance Education in Spain (1972) and the University of Hagen in Germany (1974) were established. Today, there are numerous such institutions worldwide—including in Italy—whose names often incorporate the term "Open University" (whether in English or the local language).

Most open universities utilize distance education technologies as their primary medium of instruction, although some institutions require attendance at local study centers or regional "summer schools." The scope of some open universities has expanded to such an extent that they have evolved into "mega-universities."

Biography of Swami Vivekananda | Swami Vivekananda's Early Life

                                                                                     

 

Swami Vivekananda (January 12, 1863 – July 4, 1902) was a renowned and influential spiritual teacher of Vedanta. His original name was Narendranath Datta. In 1893, he represented Hinduism at the World Parliament of Religions in Chicago, USA. He founded the Ramakrishna Mission, which continues its work even today. He was given only two minutes to speak, but he is remembered for starting his speech with the words "My American brothers and sisters." This opening statement captivated the audience.

Born into a prominent Bengali Kayastha family in Kolkata, Vivekananda was drawn to spirituality from a young age. He was deeply influenced by his guru, Ramakrishna, from whom he learned that God resides in all beings; therefore, humanity, or those who help the needy, serve God through service to others. After Ramakrishna's death, Vivekananda traveled extensively across the Indian subcontinent, gaining firsthand knowledge of the conditions in British India. Later, in 1893, he went to America to represent India at the World Parliament of Religions. Vivekananda propagated the principles of Hindu philosophy in America, England, and Europe, delivering numerous public and private lectures. In India, Vivekananda is revered as a patriotic saint, and his birthday is celebrated as National Youth Day.

Swami Vivekananda's Early Life

Swami Vivekananda was born in Kolkata. His original name was Narendranath Datta. He was born into a prosperous and educated family, which provided him with a good upbringing and education from a young age. His father, Vishwanath Datta, was a renowned lawyer, and his mother, Bhubaneshwari Devi, was a devout and simple-living woman. Swami Vivekananda was raised in an environment rich with spirituality, religion, and high moral values. His parents instilled strong values ​​in him, and a deep religious inclination and thirst for knowledge were evident in Swami Vivekananda from his childhood.

Swami Vivekananda's formal education began at Presidency College in Kolkata, where he laid the foundation for his future studies. He was a brilliant student, excelling in all subjects at school. He had a particular interest in history, Sanskrit, and philosophy. His religious fervor and thirst for knowledge were so profound that he often questioned his teachers and peers about the deeper mysteries of life. This inquisitiveness led him on the path of exploration and enlightenment.

Swami Vivekananda's nature was contemplative and introspective, which distinguished him from other children. He had two streams of thought—one, a deep desire to understand the teachings of religious masters, and the other, a keen interest in Western philosophy and science. A significant turning point in his life came when he met Ramakrishna Paramhansa. Swami Vivekananda took lessons from Ramakrishna Paramhansa and imbibed his teachings. It was at this time that he gained clarity about his life's purpose and direction.

From his childhood and youth, Swami Vivekananda developed a passion and dedication for the upliftment of Indian culture and society. From his early days, he raised his voice against the prevailing superstitions, discrimination, and social inequalities in society. He believed that Indian society needed rejuvenation and to be restored to its former glory. Thus, Swami Vivekananda's early life was one of seeking knowledge, developing sensitivity towards society, and embracing high ideals, which were clearly evident in his later life as well.

Respect for Women

Swami Vivekananda's fame had spread far and wide. Once, he went to a foreign country for a religious conference. Many foreigners attended his program. A foreign woman was deeply impressed by his teachings.

                                                                                 

                                                                              

She approached Swami Vivekananda and said, "I want to marry you so that my son can also become as great as you."

Swami Vivekananda replied, "Do you know that I am a renunciate? How can I marry? If you wish, you can consider me as your son. This way, my vow of celibacy will not be broken, and you will have a son like me." Hearing this, the foreign woman touched Swami Vivekananda's feet and said, "You are blessed! You are like a god! You never deviate from your path of righteousness, regardless of circumstances."

Lesson from the story

This story of Swami Vivekananda teaches us that a true man is one who respects women in all circumstances.

Green Revolution in India | Wheat Production and Justification for the Green Revolution

                                                                               

         

During Green Revolution Indian agriculture was transformed into a modern, industrialized system through the adoption of technologies such as high-yielding varieties (HYV) of seeds, mechanized farm equipment, irrigation facilities, and the use of pesticides and fertilizers. This movement in India was primarily led by agricultural scientist M.S. Swaminathan. It was part of a larger Green Revolution initiative launched by Norman Borlaug, which aimed to increase agricultural productivity in developing countries. Through breeding, crop varieties or strains could be selected based on desirable characteristics such as disease resistance, response to fertilizers, product quality, and higher yields. The Green Revolution in India began in 1968 under the leadership of Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri, resulting in increased food grain production in states like Punjab, Haryana, and western Uttar Pradesh. Key achievements of this effort included the development of high-yielding wheat varieties and rust-resistant wheat varieties.

Prominent Individuals and Institutions

Many individuals were honored for their contributions during the Green Revolution in India.

M.S. Swaminathan is considered the chief architect or father of the Green Revolution in India.

C. Subramaniam, the then Minister of Food and Agriculture, and a recipient of the Bharat Ratna award, is regarded as the political architect of the Green Revolution.

Scientists like Atmaram Bhairav ​​Joshi.

Institutions like the Indian Agricultural Research Institute (IARI).

Wheat Production

The key development was the introduction of high-yielding wheat varieties, including those resistant to wheat rust. These high-yielding varieties (HYVs), along with improved fertilizers and irrigation techniques, led to increased production, making the country self-sufficient in grain and improving agriculture in India. Furthermore, other varieties like Kalyan Sona and Sonalika were developed through cross-breeding with other wheat varieties. The methods used included modern agricultural practices and the application of high-yielding varieties (HYVs). Wheat production yielded the best results in promoting India's self-sufficiency. The use of high-yielding seeds, irrigation facilities, and the enthusiasm of farmers propelled the concept of the Green Revolution forward. However, the excessive use of chemical pesticides and fertilizers had negative impacts on the soil and land (e.g., soil erosion).

Other methods

Other methods include developing irrigation infrastructure, using pesticides, fungicides, and herbicides, land consolidation, land reforms, improving rural infrastructure, access to agricultural credit, using chemical or synthetic fertilizers, implementing sprinkler or drip irrigation systems, and using advanced machinery.

Justification for the Green Revolution

The Green Revolution in India began in late 1966-67 in Punjab. It was part of a development program initiated by international aid agencies and the Indian government.

                                                                                   

During British rule, India's agricultural economy was based on exploitative practices. Consequently, when India gained independence, the country faced recurring famines, economic instability, and low productivity. These factors justified the implementation of the Green Revolution as a development strategy in India.

Recurring Famines: In 1964-65 and 1965-66, India experienced two severe droughts, leading to a food crisis and famine for the country's growing population. Modern agricultural technologies seemed to offer a way to address the famine problem. Debate continues regarding famines in pre-independence India, with some arguing that British tax and agricultural policies exacerbated the situation in the 19th and 20th centuries, while others downplay such colonial impacts.

Lack of Finance: Small farmers found it very difficult to obtain finance and credit at reasonable rates from the government and banks, making them easy prey for moneylenders. They borrowed from landlords who charged high interest rates and later exploited farm laborers to repay the debt. Inadequate financing during the Green Revolution led to numerous problems and hardships for Indian farmers. The government also failed to provide any assistance to indebted farmers.

Low Productivity: Given India's rapidly growing population, traditional agricultural practices were unable to produce sufficient food. By the 1960s, this low productivity had made the food crisis in India more severe than in other developing countries. Advances in agricultural technology offered opportunities to increase productivity.

Subhash Chandra Bose Social Work | Birth and Family Life

                                                                                     

                                                                                 

Subhas Chandra Bose was a prominent and leading figure in India's freedom struggle. During World War II, with the support of Japan, he established the Indian National Army (INA) to fight against the British. His slogans, "Jai Hind" and "Give me blood, and I will give you freedom," became very popular. The people of India affectionately call him "Netaji" (Leader).

Some historians believe that when Netaji sought help from Japan and Germany, the British government ordered its intelligence agencies to eliminate him in 1941.

On July 5, 1943, as the Supreme Commander, Netaji addressed the troops in front of the Singapore Town Hall and raised the slogan "Delhi Chalo!" He led the INA, along with the Japanese army, in fierce battles against British and Commonwealth forces in Burma, Imphal, and Kohima.

On October 21, 1943, as the Supreme Commander of the INA, Bose established the Azad Hind Government, which was recognized by the governments of 11 countries, including Germany, Japan, the Philippines, Korea, China, Italy, Manchukuo, and Ireland. Japan handed over the Andaman and Nicobar Islands to this provisional government. Subhas visited these islands and renamed them.

In 1944, the INA launched another attack on the British and liberated parts of India. The Battle of Kohima, fought from April 4 to June 22, 1944, was a fierce battle. The Japanese army had to retreat, which was a significant turning point.

On July 6, 1944, he sent a message to Mahatma Gandhi from the Rangoon radio station, seeking his blessings and good wishes for victory in this decisive battle.

The circumstances of Subhas Chandra Bose's death remain controversial. In Japan, his martyrdom day is observed every year on August 18, but his family in India still believes that Subhas Chandra Bose did not die in 1945. They believe he was later kept under house arrest in Russia. If this is not true, then the Indian government did not release the documents related to his death because, according to them, Netaji did not die.

On January 16, 2014 (Thursday), the Kolkata High Court ordered the formation of a special bench to hear a public interest litigation (PIL) seeking the release of intelligence documents related to the mystery surrounding Netaji's disappearance.

On the 75th anniversary of the Azad Hind Government, in 2018, Prime Minister Narendra Modi hoisted the Indian national flag at the Red Fort, a first in Indian history. January 23, 2021, marked the 125th birth anniversary of Netaji, which the Government of India celebrated as 'Parakram Diwas' (Day of Valor).

Birth and Family Life

Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was born on January 23, 1897, in the city of Cuttack, Odisha, into a Hindu Bengali Kayastha family. His father's name was Janakinath Bose and his mother's name was Prabhabati. Janakinath Bose was a renowned lawyer in Cuttack. He initially worked as a government lawyer, but later started his own private practice. He served for a long time in the Cuttack Municipal Corporation and was also a member of the Bengal Legislative Assembly. Prabhabati Devi's father was Gangamohan Datta. The Datta family was a well-known and wealthy family in Kolkata. Prabhabati and Janakinath Bose had a total of 14 children – 6 daughters and 8 sons. Subhas was their ninth child and their fifth son. Among all his brothers, Subhas was most attached to Sharad Chandra. Sharad Babu was the second son of Prabhabati and Janakinath. Subhas used to call him 'Mejhda' (elder brother). Sharad Babu's wife's name was Vibhavati.

From Schooling to the Indian Civil Service: A Journey

After completing his primary education at the Protestant School in Cuttack, he joined Ravenshaw Collegiate School in 1909. The personality of the school's principal, Benimadhab Das, had a profound impact on Subhas. At just fifteen, Subhas had read all of Vivekananda's works. In 1915, despite being unwell, he passed the Intermediate examination in the second division. In 1916, while studying for his BA (Honours) in Philosophy at Presidency College, a dispute arose between the teachers and students. Subhas led the students, which resulted in his expulsion from Presidency College for one year and a ban on appearing for examinations. He appeared for the recruitment examination for the 49th Bengal Regiment, but was declared unfit for the army due to poor eyesight. He somehow managed to get admission to Scottish Church College, but his heart still yearned to join the army. To utilize his free time, he appeared for the Territorial Army examination and was recruited as a private soldier at Fort William. He was worried that he might not perform as well in the BA examination as he had in the Intermediate, so he worked hard and passed the BA (Honours) examination in 1919, securing second place in the Calcutta University.

                                                                                  

His father wanted Subhas to join the Indian Civil Service, but given his age, he had only one chance to pass the examination. He asked his father for 24 hours to decide whether to take the examination or not. He pondered the decision throughout the night. Finally, he decided to take the examination and left for England on September 15, 1919. Unable to find a suitable school in London to prepare for the examination, Subhas somehow managed to get admission to King's College, Cambridge, to study for the Tripos (Honours) examination in Moral and Mental Science. This solved his problem of accommodation and food. Attending university was merely a pretext; his real goal was to pass the ICS examination. Therefore, in 1920, he passed the examination and secured the fourth position on the merit list.

Subsequently, Subhas wrote to his elder brother, Sarat Chandra Bose, seeking his advice. He wondered how he could serve the British government when the teachings of Maharishi Dayanand Saraswati and Maharishi Aurobindo Ghosh dominated his thoughts and heart. On April 22, 1921, he resigned from the ICS by writing a letter to E.S. Montagu, the Secretary of State for India. He also wrote a letter to Deshbandhu Chittaranjan Das. However, when his mother, Prabhawati, wrote to him saying that "no matter what father, family, or anyone else says, she is proud of her son's decision," Subhas returned to India in June 1921 with a Tripos (Honours) degree in Moral and Mental Science.

Mahatma Gandhi's Salt Satyagraha | The Dandi March

                                                                                 

 

The Salt March, also known as the Salt Satyagraha, Dandi March, or Dandi Satyagraha, was a nonviolent civil disobedience movement led by Mahatma Gandhi in British India. This 24-day march, from March 12 to April 6, 1930, involved direct action against the British salt monopoly through nonviolent protest and tax resistance. Another reason for the march was the need for a strong start to the civil disobedience movement to inspire more people to follow Gandhi's example. Gandhi began the march with 78 trusted volunteers. The march covered 387 kilometers (240 miles) from the Sabarmati Ashram to Dandi (then known as Navsari, now in the state of Gujarat). On April 6, 1930, at 8:30 a.m., when Gandhi broke the British salt law, millions of Indians participated in the protest against the salt tax, launching a mass movement.

After making salt by evaporation at Dandi, Gandhi continued south along the coast, making salt and addressing the crowds along the way. The Congress Party planned a satyagraha at the Dharasana salt works, 40 km (25 miles) south of Dandi. However, Gandhi was arrested on the night of May 4–5, 1930, a few days before the planned action at Dharasana. The Dandi March and the subsequent Dharasana Satyagraha brought the Indian independence movement worldwide attention through extensive newspaper and newsreel coverage. The satyagraha against the salt tax lasted for about a year, ending with Gandhi's release from prison and negotiations with Viceroy Lord Irwin at the Second Round Table Conference. More than 60,000 Indians were imprisoned as a result of the Salt Satyagraha.

The Salt Satyagraha movement was based on Gandhi's principles of nonviolent resistance, which he called satyagraha, roughly meaning "truth-force." Literally, it is composed of the Sanskrit words "satya" meaning "truth" and "agraha" meaning "firmness". In the early 1920s, the Indian National Congress adopted Satyagraha as its main strategy for achieving Indian autonomy and self-rule from British rule, appointing Gandhi to lead and organize the movement. Gandhi targeted the 1882 British Salt Law as the first objective of Satyagraha. The news of the Dandi March and the brutality inflicted by the colonial police on hundreds of nonviolent protesters in Daskoi spread worldwide, demonstrating that nonviolent resistance was an effective method of fighting social and political injustice. In the 1960s civil rights movement for African-American and other minority rights, Gandhi's teachings on Satyagraha and the Dandi March profoundly influenced American activists Martin Luther King Jr., James Bevel, and others. This march was the largest organized protest against British rule following the Non-Cooperation Movement of 1920-22. It came immediately after the Indian National Congress's declaration of complete independence and the celebration of Independence Day on January 26, 1930. It garnered global attention, bolstering the Indian independence movement and sparking a nationwide civil disobedience movement that continued in Gujarat until 1934.

The Dandi March

On March 12, 1930, Gandhiji and 78 Satyagrahis, representing almost every region, caste, religion, and sect of India, began their 385-kilometer march to the coastal village of Dandi in the Navsari district of Gujarat. Their starting point was the Sabarmati Ashram. The Salt March was also called the 'White River' because everyone wore white khadi clothes during the march.

                                                                             

   

According to the government newspaper, The Statesman, which generally underestimated the crowds at Gandhiji's events, 100,000 people gathered on the road connecting Sabarmati and Ahmedabad. The first day's 21-kilometer march ended in the village of Asalali, where Gandhiji addressed approximately 4,000 people. In Asalali and other villages along the route, volunteers collected donations, registered new Satyagrahis, and accepted resignations from village officials who had decided to cease cooperation with the British administration.

As they entered each village, people welcomed them with drums and music. In his speeches, Gandhiji described the salt tax as inhumane and called the Salt Satyagraha the 'struggle of the poor'. They slept under the open sky every night. They asked the villagers only for food and water for bathing. Gandhiji believed that this would draw the poor into the struggle for Swaraj (self-rule), which he considered essential for ultimate victory.

Thousands of Satyagrahis and leaders, including Sarojini Naidu, joined them. More people joined the march every day, until the procession stretched for at least 3 kilometers. To keep their spirits high, they sang the bhajan 'Raghupati Raghav Raja Ram' as they marched. In Surat, 30,000 people welcomed them. When they reached Dandi railway station, more than 50,000 people had gathered. Foreign journalists and three Bombay film companies, who shot newsreel footage, helped make Gandhi a household name in Europe and America (in the late 1930s, Time magazine named him 'Person of the Year').

Upon reaching the seashore on April 5, Gandhiji was interviewed by a reporter from the Associated Press. He said:

"I cannot refrain from praising the government's policy of non-interference which it adopted throughout the march...I wish I could believe that this policy of non-interference was due to a genuine change of heart or thought. Their contempt for public opinion in the Legislative Assembly and their repressive measures confirm that the policy of ruthless exploitation of India will continue unabated. Therefore, the only reason for this policy of non-interference is that the British government, however powerful, is sensitive to world opinion and will not suppress a political movement of dissent, provided that dissent remains peaceful and non-violent...It remains to be seen whether the government will tolerate the actual violation of the salt law by millions tomorrow in the same way as they tolerated this march."

The following morning, after offering prayers, Gandhiji picked up a piece of salty earth and said, "With this, I will shake the foundations of the British Empire." He then boiled it in seawater and made illegal salt. He also appealed to his thousands of followers to make salt on the beach "wherever possible" and to teach the villagers the process of making this illegal, yet essential, commodity.